Gabby Asare Otchere-Darko with Kissi Agyabeng before the lecture
Posted on: www.dailyguideghana.com
By
William Yaw Owusu
Monday, September 30, 2013
“The so-called majority appear to suggest that the
pink sheets were so unreliable that it led the petitioners into error. I humbly
ask a rhetorical question: If the pink sheets were so unreliable would they form
the basis for the declaration of a President?”
This was some of the intrigue thought-provoking queries
of Kissi Agyabeng, a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Law at University of
Ghana when he spoke at a symposium organized by Danquah
Institute (DI), a media, research and policy analysis group to review the
Supreme Court’s decision of August 29 in the landmark Presidential election
petition.
According to the young but
experienced lawyer, the nine member panel abandoned the issues it set for the
trial and appeared to have approached the issues from a flawed angle.
He also said that the judges
especially the majority on the panel appeared to abandon the constitution and used
their own individual discretions in to deciding the petition.
“No matter how frivolous a judge may conceptualize
the election petition to be, the judge should always bear in mind that elections
are about numbers, not merely numbers but the number of valid votes cast in
favour of each candidate.
“That is why we have that constitutional threshold in
Article 63 (3) and it puts the matter beyond debate. This is so especially
where both the petitioners and respondents strived over the actual figures
validly obtained by their preferred candidates as recorded on thousands of results
and declaration forms aka pink sheets.
“It seems to me that a judge no matter how exhorted
cannot reasonably conclude that a person whose election is under challenge was
validly elected or otherwise without engaging in a mathematical exercise
whether the person in question obtained the valid votes which satisfies the
constitutional threshold.”
“I want to tell their lordships that it is not
merely easy to say that by some rebuttable presumption of evidentiary set-up that
official acts are presumed to have been validly done. Therefore the figures as
provided by the EC are presumed to be incorrect especially where in this case
the EC itself admitted though tenuously, that irregularities were recorded in
respect of the elections and indeed the results of some polling stations were
cancelled.
Issues
Abandoned
Mr. Agyabeng said that it was in satisfaction of the
constitutional threshold that Article 63 was posed to be resolved by the court.
He said the question of “Whether or not there were
statutory violations in the nature of omissions, irregularities and
malpractices in the conduct of the December 2012 Presidential Election and whether
or not the said statutory violations affected the results declared” was never
answered by the court.
“I would have thought that the verdict would have
run along these lines and the judges would have voted on these two issues.”
“It becomes therefore perplexing that instead of
voting on the two issues, the verdict delivered on 29th August was
rather a vote on the various categories or irregularities on statutory and
constitutional infractions that was complained of by the petitioners,” adding
that “indeed, I stand to be corrected but I do not find any basis as to how a
court can in announcing the verdict will ignore the issues before it.”
“But in fairness to them, I am inclined to say that
all of them answered the first question in the affirmative although they did
not know they were doing that. That is, all the nine judges concluded that
there were statutory violations in the nature of omissions, irregularities and
malpractices in the conduct of the election.”
“I say so because I have to make sense of what they
said. The first issue begets the second issue. If the answer to the first issue
is negative, then there is no need for proceedings to second issue. So having
delivered the verdict as a vote on the effect s of the various categories of
infraction complained of, it becomes a logical conclusion that all the nine
judges found violations or infractions. I say this though with some diffidence
because the reasoned opinions do not necessarily bear this out.”
“If you are going to vote on the categories then you
are telling us that you have found infractions. The net effect of this unhappy
posture is that several of the judges concluded their opinions without addressing
the very important question as to whether the person declared as elected
actually crossed the constitutional threshold.”
Approaches
to Interpretation
Mr. Agyabeng said that “I have heard it said that
the judges who dismissed the petition adopted the purposive approach to
interpretation while those who upheld it engaged in a strict literal
interpretation. After reading the reasoned opinions, it seems to me that all
the judges either claimed to be adopting the purposive approach or they appeared
to be professing so.”
“Then again, after reading the opinions, it seems to
me that, indeed it is very easy to tag what the person engages in with any label
that sounds right. So a judge may say this is my preferred approach to
interpretation when in practice, the effect of what he/she is doing is the
exact opposite of what he claims to be doing or at least set out.”
Cat
& Dog Scenario
He said that “In our judicial dispensation, I
venture to say especially where a lot of cases which have the capacity to undo
our democracy, we should always be reminded that a cat does not become a dog
just because one chooses to call it so.”
“I am sounding this to all in our judicial
capacities: It should be received in good faith because immediately one labels
a cat as a dog it becomes almost irresistible to proceed to treat the cat as a
dog. Such treatments can only produce undesired results.”
Interpretative
Skills
Mr. Agyabeng said that it is said to be now settled
that the Supreme Court’s preferred approach to interpretation is purposive or
objective one adding “simply put, the first creature called the purposive or
objective approach to interpretation is that under which statutory or
constitutional provisions are interpreted in light of the purpose for which
they were enacted.”
“Perhaps, no other issue apart from the category of
violation which mostly required the judges to exercise their interpretative
skill was that of the absence of signatures of Presiding Officers on a number
of the pink sheets.
“The question became the effect in law of the
refusal or neglect of the Presiding Officer to sign the pink sheet. This question brought into sharp focus the
role and importance of polling agents in the general scheme of affairs.
He said the so-called majority opinion appeared to
have decided that the signature of the Presiding Officer is immaterial while
the minority held that the absence of the Presiding Officer’s signature is
fatal.
“What was the intention of the framers of the
constitution when they require in such a mandatory manner under Article 49 (3) which
says the Presiding Officer SHALL sign the declaration form. Was it just for
decorative purposes or was it meant to have biting effect?” he asked.
“First, it appears that all the judges have
knowledge that the absence of the Presiding Officer’s signature is a clear
constitutional breach. However, the so-called majority thought that this could
be an administrative error when they did not say it was. They said it could be an
administrative error which error should not be visited on the voter.
“Fair enough but mind you, no one knows for sure
what informed the decision of the several Presiding Officers to refuse or
neglect to sign the declaration forms.”
Creating
Super Agent
He said the effect of the judgement was that the
Supreme Court has set a dangerous precedent by creating a monster called Super
Polling Agent who will call the shots at polling stations in future elections.
“Then again, the so-called majority takes a view
that clear constitutional breach is cured by the signatures of the polling
agents. That is to say the polling agent signed then the absence of the
signature of the Presiding Officer does not matter.
Quoting from the judgement of Atuguba JSC, the
lawyer said inherent in the Presiding judge’s dictum was a clear admission that
the required signature is meant not for decorative purposes but to authenticate
the results at the polling station, adding “If that is so then no premium can
be put on an unauthenticated declaration. It cannot form the basis for the
declaration of a person as President.”
“How is it that their lordships in the so-called
majority welcomes so gladly the signature of the polling agent as
authenticating the declaration form but so unhappily downplaying the signature
of the Presiding Officer as immaterial and relegating to a mere technicality? I
find this perplexing.”
“How they came to this conclusion remains in my
opinion in the imagination only. This is because the effect of the majority
decision is that the signature of the polling agent who, mind you is not an
electoral officer by any stretch of the legal imagination, is now said to
legalize what is clearly a constitutional breach.”
“So the net effect of what we have created now is a
creature I call a Super Polling Agent who will call the shots at polling
stations. This is because when he sees that things are not going on well for
his candidate, he will fold his and say I won’t sign.”
“Because of the tenor of the decision, now the rule
will become: when in doubt, just fill a complaint form because if you don’t it
will be held that because you did not complain at the polling station you have
waived your right to complain.”
“So now Super Polling Agent will do what he pleases.
Your signature validates absence of the signature of the Presiding Officer. Whether
the Presiding Officer signs or not is immaterial where as the polling agent
signs it will be accepted.”
Deafening
Silence
He said the judges were silent on certain issues
that needed solutions saying “there is a rather deafening silence on the
majority on the position in law when the signatures of both the Presiding
Officer and the Polling Agent are missing. No one said anything on that.”
“If you say that the signature of a polling agent
validates the absence of the signature of a Presiding Officer yet you do not
tell us if both signatures are missing, the position in law would be, what can
polling conjecture.”
“The position is now not clear whether a person’s
agent can waive that person’s constitutional right. Can you by your action
waive my constitutional right? It was just a blanket position…your agents
signed so don’t complain.”
Voting
Without Biometric Verification
He said claim of voting without biometric verification
was not decisively determined adding “the so-called majority took the view that
there was no evidence to this. I venture to say that C.I. 75 put it in very
mandatory terms that every voter shall go through biometric verification which
end with finger printing except for those who did not have fingers.”
“We cannot create laws and apply them as and when we
please. If we do not voters to be biometrically verified, then we should scrap
the law that requires them to do so. But if we want biometric verification then
we should apply the law and apply it fairly.
“We cannot permit others to vote without biometric
verification while we turn away others. The constitution guarantees the equal
protection of all votes and equal weight should be accorded to each vote. One
person’s vote cannot be valued more than another person’s vote.”
Over
voting
Mr. Agyabeng also said that “what we have on over
voting is an inconclusive decision as to what amounts to over voting.”
“In my opinion, a proper definition is not far-fetched.
All in all, it appears to me that the underlying current of the so-called majority
decision is borne on the consideration that annulling the entire votes in
specified polling stations affects the right to vote and unfairly disenfranchises
the voters who were not at fault.
“But the voter is hardly ever at fault. Unless you go
do something on your own volition, you would never be at fault. All you have to
do is to show up vote and go. How else can election be annulled if we are
looking for voters to be at fault.
“The same laws that enable or entitle voters to cast
their ballot also serve a purpose of annulling votes when those votes are
tainted by irregularities and violations. Constitutional and statutory
infraction at the polling stations in my opinion renders the votes cast there
as illegal votes notwithstanding the possibility that the individual voter may
not have been at fault.
“Such votes as tainted cannot be rendered as legal
votes because to do so we will be turning our one-man one-vote system of
representative government on its head. Instances of over-voting, voting without
biometric verification taints the entire votes cast in at the polling station.
He said that in the case of over voting, it is
impossible to determine which voters cats more than one ballot and in the case
of voting without biometric verification it is impossible to isolate the votes
cast by the unverified voters from those cast by verified voters.
“In all these cases, the impossibility of the
isolation of the votes cast in violation of the constitution and statutes
renders the entire ballots cast at the polling station invalid and no candidate
can take the benefit of the votes cast at such a polling station.”
Right
To Vote
He said that the right to vote cannot be situated in
what he called “a standard less system,” adding “the right of suffrage is limited
by predetermined standards set by our constitution and the statutes. The rights
should be exercised within those confines.”
“Once the franchise is granted to the electorate, it
cannot be exercised in a manner that inconsistent with the predetermined standards
prescribed by the constitution and by statutes.
He said that ballots in the box tainted with
infraction “cannot be clothed with a garb of legal votes no matter the legal
gymnastics.”
“It appears we were confusing the qualification to
vote and the right to vote as far as the judgement goes. Whether the person is
qualified to vote is a distinct question from whether he is entitled to vote.”
He said ballots should be invalidated if election
officers fail to follow the processes aimed at establishing a person’s
entitlement to vote.
“Such irregularity totally undermines the basis of
the determination of a person’s right to vote and hence open up the probability
that anyone can vote notwithstanding the constitutional and legislative injunctions.
The
Article 64 Test
“The net effect of the decision of the Supreme Court
is that it is a veiled but very strong suggestion that the court does not have
power to nullify elections. The power granted by the Supreme Court under
Article 64 to declare the election of a President invalid envisages the
annulment of votes.
“Per the judgement, if you are declaring someone’s
election as invalid it means you are annulling votes but if you are afraid of
annulling votes then there can never be a situation where any election of a
person can be declared invalid to the extent that the Supreme Court’s decision
espouses the outlined principles.
“I cannot find any semblance of this principle in
the so-called majority decision,” he charged.